Dr. Fontem Neba

Father . Husband . Educator . Leader . Citizen

Dr. Fontem, a husband, father of four young children and selfless community leader in the struggle for the restoration of human rights, freedom and dignity of the people of Southern Cameroons was abducted by the Government of Cameroon on February 17th, 2017. He remains in detention at the infamous Kondengui prison in Yaounde, Cameroon.

Welcome to The Consortium.

Our organization leads public advocacy for the interests of the people of Southern Cameroons.

 Through our website, YOU will be empowered to collaborate with activists and supporters across the globe in a common struggle to protect and advance the legal and human rights of our people, guaranteed within the framework of a two-state federation.

You Can Make a Difference

The Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium (CACSC) advocates for the interests of its people through NONVIOLENT strategies that seek to:

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Do you want to solve problems impacting different facets of our society?Sign up as a member and join thousands of our members who are already participating in focus groups to create optimal solutions that can be operationalized to advance our freedom and build a prosperous foundation for future generations.

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The Consortium is always looking for new ideas to help improve the strategic and operational assets we need to successfully wage our nonviolent campaign. Do you know something we do not know that can make a difference? Become a contributor to the struggle for freedom and dignity through the Consortium.

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The Consortium today offers you the ability to participate in changing your community by making a donation. All donors can make a general contribution or specify an initiative that they want to fund. If you believe there is an initiative that could use our support, you can also recommend we add it to our portfolio.

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Our People Are Still Detained

The Consortium calls for the release of all detainees currently held in prisons in Yaounde. Since their arrest, reports have reached us on the inhumane conditions in the prisons and the price that families are paying to offer moral, material and legal support to their loved ones in a different jurisdiction. These legally-baseless and politically-motivated detentions have been ongoing for:

Positive Contributions to Nation Building

Through non-violent strategies, the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium (CACSC) is poised to add immediate and medium-term value through the following activities:

1
Identify Problems Affecting the Existence of Anglophone People in Cameroon.
2
Commission Studies to Collect and Analyze Data on the Problems Identified.
3
Source for and Award Grants and Scholarships to Determine and Influence Policy Orientation.
4
Propose Policy Alternatives to Improve on the Lives of the People.
5
Educate, Advocate, Mediate, Advise, Mobilize and Speak for and on behalf of Anglophones in Cameroon.

Latest Video Messages

Below are messages from our YouTube Channel produced to communicate key messages we want to share with our stakeholders.

You are the Consortium!

There are multiple options for membership but generally, membership is open to every Southern Cameroonian who subscribes to our vision of creating a free, fair and prosperous country where all our people can live in freedom and maximize the collective value of our national heritage.

We Focus on Solutions

Since 1961, the people of Southern Cameroons have confronted a series of acute structural and systematic problems arising from the circumstances of our independence from the British and the implementation of our federation with La Republique du Cameroun. The Consortium seeks to develop sustainable solutions in 17 key sectors to stop and reverse this trend in order to preserve and maximize social justice and economic value for current and future generations.

Agriculture
Civil Service and Control of Administrative Services
Economy and  Finance
Education
Environment and Water Resources
Healthcare
History, Politics and Society
Homeland Security
Information and Communication Technology
Justice
Labour
Natural Resources and Energy
Road and Infrastructure
Sports, Tourism and Culture
Trade and Industrial Development
Transportation
Women's Affairs

The Principle of Nonviolence

The Consortium achieves social change through symbolic protests, civil disobedience, economic or political noncooperation. We believe that violence in all forms is contrary to our ethos. We reject violence whether perpetrated by the state of Cameroon, its agents and proxies or other organizations fighting on behalf of the people of Southern Cameroons.

Our rights come from God, and not Paul Biya. The Consortium advocates the use of nonviolent approaches to find sustainable solutions to the structural inequities in our federation. We are totally committed to full restoration of our rights under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, UN Resolution 1350-XII of March 13th, 1959 and UN Resolution 1608 – XV of April 21st 1961, under which the people of Southern Cameroons gained their independence. We welcome you to wholeheartedly support our nonviolent campaign to secure our freedom and protect future generations. Below are several ways in which you can be effective:

How the Consortium was Born

The Systematic Exploitation of the People of Southern Cameroons since 1961 is illegitimate and unsustainable.

The moral, political, economic, legal, cultural and educational exploitation of the English-speaking minority of Southern Cameroons is well documented, notwithstanding the economic reality that Southern Cameroons in 2016 produced more than 70% of Cameroon's foreign exports and has been the single biggest economic contributor to the federation. Today, the structure of government, allocation of revenues, participation in reform initiatives, development of trade flows and other key indicators of equitable distribution are continually and systematically streamlined in furtherance of their marginalization. Over three generations, we have borne witness to a centralized government that continually appropriates components of our national heritage that define us as a people including but not limited to our personal freedoms, natural resources, educational system, legal traditions and democratic values.

Government Inaction

Following attempts by lawyers and teachers to obtain constructive dialogue and solutions to the problems facing our people, a nonviolent strike was initiated in October and November 2016. Consistent with the catalog of inaction following similar attempts by previous generations of advocates to engage the government, the ministers of the Departments of Higher Education, Justice, Communication and Secondary Education organized a series of meetings designed to intimidate our representatives, hoping to frustrate our attempts to get genuine reforms. Realizing the determination of the representatives of the people, the government proceeded to escalate its systematic policy of disregard and disdain for Southern Cameroons, flooding the public media with invectives and disparaging comments. 

Provocation of the Population by Ministers

By firing up public frustration, the government was able to create an opportunity for the use of force to confront a nonviolent group that was advocating for resolution through honest dialogue and negotiation. Noteworthy are the incendiary comments of Paul Atanga Nji (Minister without Portfolio) who as spokesperson for the government embarked on a media blitz to deny the existence of a problem that has been reported on since the genesis of the federation experiment in 1961.

A New Dispensation that Protects Current and Future Generations of Southern Cameroonians is essential to sustainable peace.

The history of grievances reported by the people of Southern Cameroons since 1961 is well documented. Though the national consciousness is designed to selectively exclude the flagrant marginalization of our fundamental and legitimate rights, we now live in a world where most objective people wonder why the mechanics of our current governance model do not create optimal stewardship of our economic and cultural endowment for the benefit and empowerment of the masses. Nowhere is this pain is more widely felt in Southern Cameroon - where the widest gap exists between regional contribution to the national treasury and local investment and development and poverty alleviation. As such, the government's commitment to persist in maintaining the status quo poses the greatest threat to peace and security in Cameroon and the entire region. We believe any responsible government should consider this as an opportunity to move in a new direction that improves the ability of its people to compete in a global economy.

Building A Collective Framework to protect future generations.

Given the gravity of the challenges we have tolerated since 1961, the number of groups impacted our systematic marginalization and the government's history of dividing groups particularly along ethnic lines, The Consortium was created as an umbrella organization to constructively channel the desires, demands and aspirations of the people of Southern Cameroons. To date, we have - a solemn obligation that has to date been legitimately expressed through on-going strike actions.

The response of the government of Cameroon violates International Law

Today an internet blackout, arbitrary arrests and killings, abduction of leaders and mass imprisonment initiatives are underway specifically targeting the people of Southern Cameroons and their leaders. Despite criticism from the international community, the government seems committed to maintaining the status quo, fueling opportunities for violence so that it can justify an escalation in hostilities against the nonviolent protesters.

We are moving forward to a New Tomorrow

Regardless of the brutal response of the government to our attempts to use non-violence to resist the status quo, The Consortium is here to stay. We will continue to build our capacity and develop strategies for success in the long run. By identifying, developing solutions and providing policy prescriptions, we hope to improve the lives of our indigenous people. The pain of our history

Behind the Internet Blackout

Southern Cameroons is today experiencing an internet blackout designed to conceal a military crackdown against advocates for restoration. As we receive verifiable evidence, we will share it here for the world to see.

Arbitrary Abductions

Advocates for the fundamental rights of the people of Southern Cameroons and others citizens are being abducted daily from their common law regions of residence to Yaounde for trial in military tribunals where the burden of proof is subject to influence by the government.

Arbitrary Killings bordering on Genocide

We have received reports of the killing of unarmed civilians by the government. Several bodies have been found and families continue to report missing relatives who may be dead. The Consortium maintains a database of all missing persons to ensure future accountability.

Rape

Several young women have been raped by paramilitary forces. Acts of sexual violence are rampant when forces are deployed to university campuses to intimidate and arrest students. To date, the government  has not rejected the use of rape as a tool of repression or war.

Media Intimidation

Several media houses have been closed and journalists who initially sought to report the truth are being intimidated by the government on a regular basis. Opinion leaders who have expressed objective views on this problem continue to be intimidated by agents of the regime

Paramilitary Occupation

Several towns in Southern Cameroon are today under military occupation with paramilitary troops on every corner, authorized to shoot to kill. Casualties has only been contained by the reality that the people of Southern Cameroons are fundamentally nonviolent. 

Intimidation of the Clergy

Schools in Southern Cameroons, predominantly owned by the Catholic, Presbyterian and Baptist denominations, Bishops, Priests and Pastors are regularly intimidated by the government to call off the strike. The clergy is therefore initimidated on a regular basis.

Appropriation of Assets

An ongoing initiative to appropriate bank accounts of citizens who advocate our quest for freedoms is underway. In collaboration with the Ministry of Finance, the Police is submitting requests to indefinitely block off accounts and send financial statements to the government .

Detention of Leaders

Consortium Felix Nkongho Agbor Balla, Dr. Fontem Neba and several other Southern Cameroons leaders and citizens like Mancho Bibixy, Justice Paul Ayah and other have been abducted from Southern Cameroons and are currently detained in the Kondengui Prison without charge. Currently, they are falsely charged with capital crimes.

Kidnapping for Ransom

Paramilitary forces are exploiting the situation to arrest citizens in exchange for cash payments. This practice is commonplace and creates an atmosphere of extreme insecurity for the unarmed citizenry. To date has not been criticized by the government.

Internet Blackout

An indiscriminate internet blackout in effect in Southern Cameroons since January 7th, 2017 continues. This strategy infringes on the right to assemble while preventing the global distribution of evidence corroborating the human rights abuses reported by the population.

Ethnic Cleansing

Under the patronage of former Prime Minister Peter Mafany Musonge, a campaign is underway to create ethnic tensions between the two regions of Southern Cameroons.  This tactic stokes ethnic tensions and creates an argument for ethnic cleansing.

The exploitation of the people of Southern Cameroons is a structural problem with social, economic, political and cultural implications. The Consortium believes that the road to genuine peace requires a public commitment by President Paul Biya to honest and comprehensive dialogue with the goal of reaching a negotiated settlement under internationally enforceable frameworks. Any settlement that fails to restore and protect all the rights of the people of Southern Cameroons consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, UN Resolution 1350-XII of March 13th, 1959 and UN Resolution 1608 – XV of April 21st 1961 is unsustainable and the absence of concerted action by all stakeholders is a recipe for genocide. 

How did we get here?

Cameroon is a federation of two distinct countries. To fully appreciate the structural, historical, legal, political, economic and cultural divergence, below are critical timelines and decisions in the history of the federation experiment.

A country born in a rich democratic tradition.

  • 1922 - The Southern Cameroons is given an international status in 1922 as a League of Nations Mandated Territory under British Administration
  • 1931 - The “Cameroons Boundary Commission” meets in London. Under the supervision of the League of Nations, administrators of the British Cameroons and French Cameroun landmark the international boundary by building concrete cement pillar marks along the boundary. Each landmark is the object of a specific topographic document which is co-signed by the Administrators of both countries. 
  • 1946 - The League of Nations ceases to exist and the United Nations approves the Trusteeship Agreements for British Cameroons to be governed by Britain on 6th December 1946.
  • 1949 - Great Britain financial strain as a result of the independence of India makes Britain's ability to maintain its global empire unsustainable. Southern Cameroons is divided into two provinces: Bamenda (capital Bamenda, hence also thus named) and Southern (capital Buea). Residential type of administration is continued with a single British Resident at Buea. Edward John Gibbons is appointed Special Resident.
  • 1950 - Following the Ibadan General Conference, a new constitution for Nigeria devolves more power to the regions. In the subsequent election, thirteen Southern Cameroonian representatives are elected to the Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu.
  • 1953 - The Southern Cameroons representatives, unhappy with the domineering attitude of Nigerian politicians and lack of unity among the ethnic groups in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, declare a "benevolent neutrality" and withdraw from the Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu. At a conference in London from 30th July to 22nd August 1953, the Southern Cameroons delegation asks for a separate region of its own. The British agree, and Southern Cameroons becomes an autonomous region with its capital at Buea. 
  • 1954 - British Southern Cameroons holds its first elections and the first British Southern Cameroons parliament meets on 1st October 1954, with E.M.L Endeley as Premier. Political power shifts to the elected government and British Southern Cameroons is globally recognized as a bastion of democracy in Africa. As French Cameroun and Nigeria prepare for Independence, South Cameroons nationalists debate whether their best interests are served by one of three options - a union with French Cameroun, a union with Nigeria or total independence. 
  • 1955 - John Ngu Foncha creates the Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP). Following a spike in violence in French Cameroun, UPC opposition leader Ernest Ouandié takes refuge in Kumba. British Southern Cameroons also offers political asylum to several Bamileke and Bassa UPC sympathizers escaping from oppression in La République.  Foncha initially seeks a close relationship with the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon, whilst supporting autonomy for Southern Cameroons. His entreaties are rejected by the UPC who want full reunification and a total rejection of French colonialism.
  • 1957 - Under pressure from France, the British authorities in Southern Cameroons deport Ernest Ouandié and other leaders of the UPC to Khartoum, Sudan. Ouandié then moves to Cairo, Egypt, to Conakry, Guinea and finally to Accra, Ghana. The KNDP ends its relationship with the UPC and the British request the ban of the UPC in Southern Cameroons. The KNDP splits from the Kamerun National Congress (of which Foncha had previously been a member) and the two parties become bitter rivals over the KNC's support for incorporation into Nigeria.
  • 1959 - John Ngu Foncha defeats E.M.L Endeley in the first multiparty general elections on 1st February 1959 and Foncha becomes Prime Minister of British Southern Cameroons. The KNDP's stance proves the most popular and they also win the legislative elections in 1959, forcing the Kamerun National Union (KNU) into opposition. As the governing party, the KNDP supports a united independent Cameroon organized along federal lines. 
  • 1960 - The CPNC is established in May 1960 by a merger of the Kamerun National Congress and the Kamerun People's Party, which had contested the 1959 elections. E.M.L. Endeley's Cameroon People's National Convention (CPNC), which supported the integration with Nigeria, emerges as the main source of opposition to KNDP hegemony. KNDP attempts to absorb the CNPC but attempts fail due to personality clashes.
  • 1961 - On 11 February 1961, a plebiscite organized by the United Nations is held in Cameroon. The plebiscite offers two options only - free association with the independent state of French Cameroun or integration with Nigeria. The third option, independence - backed primarily by P.M Kale is opposed by Sir Andrew Cohen - the UK representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, and as a result it is not presented for consideration, though this action violated the UN's Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted by General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. In the plebiscite of 11th February 1961, Northern Cameroons votes for union with Nigeria, and Southern Cameroons votes for union with (the formerly French) Cameroun. On 12 February 1961, the British Northern Cameroons attaches itself to Nigeria, while the southern part votes for reunification into the Federal Republic Of Cameroon. To negotiate the terms of this union, the Foumban Conference is held on 16–21 July 1961 in violation of UN Resolution 1350-XII of March 13th, 1959 and UN Resolution 1608 – XV of April 21st 1961 which clearly stipulated the terms of validation of the federation. Foncha, the leader of the KNDP, and his delegation accepted the federation subject to 12 amendments to the proposed constitution. The proposals are never integrated by Ahmadou Ahidjo.

A country with a Legacy of Political Repression.

  • 1946 - 24 ‘evolues’  (comprising 14 government employees) from La République are deputized to serve in the French National Assembly.
  • 1947 - On 10 April 1947, at a meeting in the bar Chez Sierra in Bassa, Ruben Um Nyobe creates the UPC. Twelve men assist in the founding meeting, including Charles Assalé, Léonard Bouli, and Guillaume Bagal. The majority of the participants are trade unionists. In many ways UPC is a continuation of the Cameroonian Rally (RACAM). On 11 April 1948 a Provisional Bureau is established. Bouli is elected general secretary, Bagal joint general secretary, Emmanuel Yap treasurer and J-R Biboum the joint treasurer. The following day the statutes of UPC are deposited at the Mayor's office in Douala at 10.50 am. The group is, however, not legally registered. On April 13, the UPC issues its first public declaration of intent, the "Appeal to the Cameroonians".
  • 1948 - Following the non-responsiveness of the local French authorities and harsh treatment of local populations, Ruben Um Nyobe demands immediate independence from France.
  • 1950 - On April 10, 1950 the enlarged Leading Committee holds a meeting in Dschang. During the course of the meeting a decision is taken to regard the function as the first congress of UPC. The congress lasts until April 13. A new Leading Committee is elected with President: Chief Mathias Djiomessi; General Secretary: Ruben Um Nyobé; Vice-presidents: Guillaume Bagal, Phillipe Essama Essi, Félix Moumié, Samuel Noumouwe and Treasurer: Emmanuel Yap. After the congress Charles Assalé leaves the movement and joins the procolonial fold. The party starts publication of four papers La Voix du Cameroun, Lumière, Étoile and Vérité.
  • 1952 - After trying a parliamentary vote in 1952 without success, the UPC turns to the United Nations, who had the guardianship of Cameroon, to demand independence and reunification. Under the aegis of Ruben Um Nyobé, the Secretary-General, the party tenders three requests to the 4th UN General Assembly supervising committee in December 1952: (1) Revision of the trusteeship agreements of 13 December 1946 that were signed without any prior consultation of the people contrary to what was claimed by Louis-Paul Aujoulat and Alexandre Douala Manga Bell, who said '... the trusteeship agreement was subject to widespread distribution, and a very broad debate in Cameroon, it has been approved by the Cameroonian people ..." (2) Immediate reunification with British Southern Cameroons; (3) Setting of a date (10 years) to end the trusteeship agreements and provide access to the political independence of Cameroon. Ruben Um Nyobé proposes that for about ten years before independence there should be a program that would give Cameroons adequate training to assume responsibility for the state arising from independence.
  • 1953 - Faced with increased repression by France's colonial power, the UPC follows the urging of Dr. Félix-Roland Moumié to move into radical political action. According to historian Bernard Droz, China provides weapons to the UPC. Seven years after its founding, in 1955 the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon controls 460 village or neighborhood committees and 80,000 members, particularly on the coast in central, south and west regions of la Republique du Cameroon, predominantly inhabited by the Bamileke and Bassa.
  • 1954 - French High Commissioner Roland Pre takes draconian steps to quash the UPC, bans UPC from legal political activity and forces the movement to go underground.
  • 1955 - After the first revolt in May 1955, suppressed by the French colonial authority at the time, the UPC is dissolved by a decree dated 13 July 1955 issued by the French government of Edgar Faure. Several UPC leaders including Ernest Ouandie are forced to go into exile in Kumba in the British Southern Cameroons, then in Cairo, Conakry, Accra and Beijing. 
  • 1956 -  On 28 January 1956, the UPC presents its position in a declaration to the international press signed by Félix-Roland Moumié (President), Ruben Um Nyobé (Secretary General) and the two Vice-Presidents, Ernest Ouandié and Abel Kingué. They call for reunification of French- and British-administered areas as an independent state.  Armed revolution breaks out in La Republique du Cameroon. Groupe d’Action Nationale (GAN) - a merger of the Bantu Efoula-Meyong Traditional Association led by Charles Assalé and members of the Ngondo establishment led by Soppo Priso is created. Lacking a majority to govern, Paul Soppo Priso (millionaire businessman, France’s preferred presidential candidate and leader of Groupe d’Action Nationale (GAN)) embarks on a mission to convince the UPC to form a government of national unity. First elections take place. With the UPC unable to participate, Andre-Marie Mbida - leader of Les Democrates (representing the Center and Southern regions) and Ahidjo’s Union Camerounais (UC) - a group of Northern parties emerge as frontrunners. On June 23, the Loi Cardre goes into effect and France agrees to independence after a short transitional period.
  • 1957 - The first indegenous 70 member parliament is created in La République. Ahidjo secures a majority with 38 seats, Andre-Marie Mbida comes second with 28 seats and GAN led by Soppo Priso and Charles Assale have only 8 seats. The UPC has no representation and this reality makes Soppo Priso politically irrelevant. Andre-Marie Mbida becomes prime minister and Ahidjo assumes the role of Deputy PM and Minister of the Interior.
  • 1958 - Ruben Um Nyobe is killed in Boumyebel. The government of Andre-Marie Mbida starts running into serious problems. Soppo Priso is overlooked as a replacement primarily due to his desire to seek resolution and integration of the UPC. French High Commissioner Messmer is replaced by French High Commissioner Ramadier who makes a separate deal with Ahidjo to form a new government by orchestrating a motion of no-confidence which results in the resignation of and political demise of Andre-Marie Mbida. Upon the demise of Mbida, Ahidjo cuts another deal with Soppo Priso and Charles Assale which results in the integration of GAN into the UC. Through these maneuvers, Ahidjo emerges as the leading politician in La Republique du Cameroun.
  • 1959 - Ahidjo secretly enters into a series of accords providing for widespread cooperation between  France and La République on military, economic, political and cultural affairs. France proposes the termination of the trusteeship arrangement between La République and France. French High Commissioner Messmer is replaced by French High Commissioner Xavier Torre who encourages Ahidjo to use wide powers under the 1957 and 1958 statutes. Tankeu Noé (a UPC firebrand) sends his fighters to attack the military camp of Mboppi in Douala and takes 19 guns. In the counter-attack, the French are able to obtain a cache of UPC documents that enable them arrest about 100 key partisans. As a result of this action, the French high command of Cameroon decides to call for five companies of troops and five squads of gendarmes from France as reinforcements.
  • 1960 - On January 1, La République du Cameroun becomes an independent republic. The president is elected by the Deputes at the National Assembly. Elections cannot be held by universal suffrage because an armed insurrection is ravaging the country. Ahidjo has only one opponent - Abel Eyinga, who is a lecturer in the Faculty of Law in Algiers and France, resident in Algeria.  On February 21, a constitutional referendum is held and on May 5th, Ahidjo becomes President of La République. On November 3, Félix-Roland Moumié is killed in Geneva by SDECE (French secret services) using the chemical agent thallium. French General Max Briand, who had served previously in Algeria and Indochina, is recruited to leads troops as part of a pacifcation campaign in the Bamiléké territory of the West, Centre and Littoral provinces. The campaign results in a genocide of hundreds of thousands, with reported stories of evisceration of entire villages using napalm from French helicopters. Future operations also include French troops fresh off the battlefield in Indochina.
  • 1961 - A military tribunal in Yaounde condems Ernest Ouandié and Abel Kingué (in their absence) to deportation. Ouandié secretly returns to Cameroon to work towards the overthrow of the Ahidjo regime.

A Nation Born in Illegality

  • 1961 - On 14 August 1961, the federal constitution is adopted, with Ahidjo as president. John Ngu Foncha becomes the prime minister. On 1st September 1961, the amended constitution is promulgated as the federal constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon. This is done in total violation of the strict and specific prescriptio, s of the UNGA Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961 on the projected union between La Republic du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons as the outcome of the UN-sponsored plebiscite of 11 and 12 February 1961 in the British Cameroons. The federal constitution of 1st September 1961 is signed by the president of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo, alone; and never by John Ngu Foncha, the Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons. 
  • 1962 - the Francs CFA became the official currency in Cameroon.
  • 1963 - Tankeu Noé - Commander of the UPC's Armée de Libération Nationale Kamerounaise (ALNK) in the Littoral Province is captured and found guilty on 9 September 1963.
  • 1964 - Abel Kingué dies in Cairo on 16 June 1964, leaving Ouandié as the last member of the original UPC leadership. Ahidjo declares that Ouandié is public enemy number one.
  • 1965 - Foncha is forced to relinquish his position as Prime Minister of West Cameroon in 1965 when he becomes Vice-President to Ahidjo on a joint ticket as the Constitution of Cameroon stated that both offices could not be held simultaneously. As a consequence, Augustine Ngom Jua is chosen as the new Prime Minister, although not before a round of bitter in-fighting which saw Solomon Tandeng Muna, who had been an important figure in the foundation of the KNDP, split away to form his own Cameroon United Congress (CUC). Initially this puts the KNDP in a weaker position, particularly with regards to the UC which was the only effective party in the East. However before long KNDP dominance becomes complete as when the CPNC and the CUC are absorbed by the KNDP.
  • 1966 - Ahidjo, relying on a pervasive internal security apparatus, outlaws all political parties but his own in 1966. Finally the two dominant parties merge into one, the Cameroonian National Union, and almost immediately this group becomes the sole party in a unitary state. The CNU is formed in 1966 through a merger of the Cameroon Union (Union Camerounaise) and the Kamerun National Democratic Party, the major political organizations, respectively, of the eastern and western regions, and four smaller parties.
  • 1968 - Solomon Tandeng Muna becomes as the first Prime Minister of the federated state of West Cameroon on January 11, 1968.
  • 1970 - On 28 March 1970 Ahidjo renews his mandate as the head of the supreme magistracy. Ernest Ouandie is captured, tried and found guilty of plotting to assassinate the President.
  • 1971 - Ernest Ouandie and Bishop Ndongmo of Nkongsamba are tried for treason by a military tribunal in January 1971, found guilty and sentenced to death by firing squad. Ndongmo’s sentence is commuted to life imprisonment, and he is sent to a prison camp in Tcholliré. Ernest Ouandie is publicly executed on 15 January 1971 in Bafoussam.
  • 1972 - On June 2, 1972, Solomon Tandeng Muna becomes Vice President. In 1972, a new constitution replaces the federation with a unitary state called the United Republic of Cameroon, triggering a new wave of tension between the French and English speaking areas of Cameroon.

The End of the Federation

  • 1975 - Ahidjo appoints Paul Biya as Prime Minister of Cameroon on 30 June 1975, and Solomon Tandeng Muna is appointed Speaker of the National Assembly.
  • 1979 - In June 1979, a new law designates the Prime Minister as the President's constitutional successor.
  • 1982 - Ahidjo unexpectedly announces his resignation on 4 November 1982, and Biya accordingly succeeds him as President of Cameroon on 6 November.

The Institutionalization of Marginalization

  • 1983 - Biya begins his administration by making public overtures towards democratic government and communal liberalism.
  • 1984 -  Following a failed coup d'état, Biya undergoes a metamorphosis in his leadership style and embraces the machinations of his predecessor. Paul Biya unilaterally changes the name of the country from United Republic of Cameroon to La Republique du Cameroun.
  • 1990 - Following failed calls for the institutionalization of multiparty democracy, John Fru Ndi launches the Social Democratic Front (SDF), based largely in the Anglophone region of the country. With the reintroduction of multi-party politics in December 1990, the former British Southern Cameroons pressure groups called for greater autonomy.
  • 1997 - Cameroon is viewed as rife with corruption at all levels of government. In 1997, Cameroon established anti-corruption bureaus in 29 ministries, but only 25% became operational
  • 1999 - The Rough Guide to West Africa criticizes the creation of roadblocks around the country as designed to allow police and gendarmes to collect bribes from travelers. Except for the several relatively good toll road which connect major cities (all of them one-lane) roads are poorly maintained and subject to inclement weather, since only 10% of the roadways are tarred.
  • 2006 - Human rights organizations allege that the government suppresses the freedoms of opposition groups by preventing demonstrations, disrupting meetings, and arresting opposition leaders and journalists. Freedom House ranks Cameroon as "not free" in terms of political rights and civil liberties. Newspapers routinely self-censor to avoid government reprisals. The major radio and television stations are state-run and other communications, such as land-based telephones and telegraphs, are largely under government control.
  • 2007 - Human rights organizations accuse police and military forces of mistreating and even torturing criminal suspects, ethnic minorities, homosexuals and political activists. Prisons are overcrowded with little access to adequate food and medical facilities, and prisons run by traditional rulers in the north are charged with holding political opponents at the behest of the government.
  • 2009 - UN estimates that about a third of the population was living below the international poverty threshold of US$1.25 a day.
  • 2012 - Transparency International places Cameroon at number 144 on a list of 176 countries ranked from least to most corrupt. Life expectancy at birth is estimated to be 54.71 years in 2012, among the lowest in the world. Endemic diseases include dengue fever, filariasis, leishmaniasis, malaria, meningitis, schistosomiasis, and sleeping sickness.
  • 2013 - The World Health Organization reports that in Cameroon, there is only one doctor for every 5,000 people. Due to financial cuts in the health care system, there are few professionals. Doctors and nurses who were trained in Cameroon, emigrate because in Cameroon the payment is poor while the workload is high. Nurses are unemployed even though their help is needed. Some of them help out voluntarily so they will not lose their skills. Outside the major cities, facilities are often dirty and poorly equipped.
  • 2014 - In December 2014, a List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor issued by the Bureau of International Labor Affairs mentions Cameroon among the countries that resort to child labor in the production of cocoa. U.S. Department of Labor Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor report that 56% of children aged 5 to 14 are working children and almost 53% of children aged 7 to 14 have to combine work and school.

Resistance is Here to Stay

When Injustice Becomes Law, Resistance Becomes Duty.

Coming Together is the Beginning

In a relatively short period of time, membership of the Consortium has flourished in multiple countries on all continents. Our members are committed to one key objective - freedom for the people of Southern Cameroons.

Austria
Argentina
Australia
Belgium
Brazil
Botswana
Bulgaria
Cameroon
Canada
China
Congo DRC
Cote d'Ivoire
Cyprus
Czech Republic
Denmark
Egypt
Equatorial Guinea
Finland
France
Gabon
Germany
Ghana
Greece
Iceland
India
Indonesia
Ireland
Israel
Italy
Japan
Liberia
Malaysia
Mauritius
Mexico
Namibia
Netherlands
New Zealand
Nigeria
Norway
Phillipines
Portugal
Qatar
Russia
Rwanda
Senegal
Singapore
South Africa
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Taiwan
Tunisia
Turkey
United Arab Emirates
United Kingdom
United States of America
Uruguay
Vatican City (Holy See)
Vietnam
Zimbabwe

Our membership will continue to grow in direct proportion to President Paul Biya's refusal to create a new framework that guarantees the fundamental rights of the people of Southern Cameroons. Repressive actions bordering on genocide will necessitate a surge in nonviolent strategies against the status quo.

HOW TO GET INVOLVED